The 2018 moa extinction case study combines archived oral records, chronological dating, and archaeological bird data to uncover human perceptions of megafauna extinction events at Aotearoa. Wehi, Cox, Roa and Whaanga analyze ancestral whakataukī or Māori sayings that provide glimpses into the island's early extinction events, particularly the moa. They compile, review, translate and interpret 3421 archived whakataukī records and separate 657 that directly relate to extinct species. They then perform a quantitative analysis of linguistic markers to determine the timing and evolution of the manuscripts using structural cues, vocabulary identifications, historical contexts, and embedded references to ancestor names, events, and genealogies. Next, they assign each faunal whakataukī to one of five time periods: before AD 1350 (predating the Māori settlement of New Zealand), 1350–1500 (the first period of settlement in New Zealand), 1500–1650 (rapid expansion of settlements), 1650 -1800 (intertribal fighting and first European contact) and post-1800 (the period following European contact). Finally, the study collects scientific data, including the prevalence of bird species in New Zealand archaeological sites and their average weight, and compares this to the total presence of words for each species in the whakataukī fauna information. The main strength of using scientific data on birds is that they provide the contextual picture of the information, and oral evidence complements this picture by providing more detail from the perspective of real people. Say no to plagiarism. Get a tailor-made essay on "Why Violent Video Games Shouldn't Be Banned"? Get an original essay Collaboration between oral tradition and archaeological data demonstrates the ecological significance of the moa in an accurate Māori historical narrative. The results show that moa are highly represented in the archaeological record, comprising 4.6% of all whakataukī fauna and 9.8% of all whakataukī that specifically mention birds. The data graphed shows that moa whakataukī frequency peaks disproportionately in the 1350-1500 and post-1800 time periods, with primary focuses on ecological knowledge, food preparation, and extinction concerns. These peaks, together with the frequency and content of whakataukī moa, show that Māori observed wildlife and the natural environment closely and demonstrate that the extinction of this key fauna is vital in shaping ecological and behavioral thinking. During the social upheaval that followed European colonization in the first half of the 19th century, almost all evidence after 1800 links the disappearance of the moa to another impending crisis: the impending extinction of the Maori. Wehi explains that the connection between the loss of the moa in the 15th century and the threat of biological and cultural extinction of the Maori highlights the impact of the moa on the “cultural psyche of the Maori”. Communities recognized the exploitation of important animal resources and even interpreted it as an archetypal metaphor for annihilation on a larger scale. In essence, the whakataukī dataset moves from simple observations in the early settlement period to awareness of causal action in later periods (1500-1800 AD) following the potential development of traditional knowledge, resource management practices and rules of conservation. Whakataukī evidence highlights that indigenous people are not entirely passive in environmental history, but rather interact with the environment in ways that influence the species present as well as the development of values, ideasand cultural practices. From the analysis of the combined data, it is clear that the existence and extinction of the moa had great significance. Wehi points out that “a similar linguistic analysis of other indigenous oral traditions globally could illuminate the development of socio-ecological worldviews and conservation learning in other cultures, globally. at least where extinction events are relatively recent". Furthermore, he says the whakataukī data provides evidence of “links between biological and cultural diversity”. Indeed, this case study illustrates that oral traditions provide invaluable insight into the thoughts and responses of all communities that have experienced major megafaunal extinctions. The tsunami case study combines scientific knowledge and active oral collaboration to shed light on the ancestral experience of Māori with past geological catastrophes in Rangitoto (D'Urville Island). Stratigraphic signatures, flood deposits and extensive radiocarbon measurements support that at least four major tsunamis occurred during the prehistoric period in New Zealand (McFadgen, 2007). King, Shaw, Meihana, and Goff gather active voices to corroborate or refute evidence from The Rival Wizards, an ancient folk tale about a catastrophic tsunami in Aotearoa. The legend serves as a revenge plot between three "magician chiefs", Rongomai, Titipa and Te Pou, ending with three major waves. The story tells descriptive details of the impact of the waves hitting and sweeping the beach, including various contextual information about relationships and connections between people, place, and the metaphysical world. The researchers conduct interviews with 20 people from the Māori kin groups Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia (who all share links to Karepa Te Whetu, places and ancestral figures named in history) to establish the inclusion of tsunami narratives within the pūrākau. Subsequently, King, Shaw, Meihana and Goff identify ideas, words and the frequency of their use in a “content analysis”, and then complete a “thematic analysis” on the main elements that emerge from the data. Oral evidence is selected and then checked for the integrity of new ideas and interpretations through follow-up discussions. The study compiles recorded evidence that discusses the construction, key elements, and purposes of The Rival Wizards narrative. King states that these methods of mining oral tradition are a means of “reconnecting the individual to the major movements and cataclysmic events that shape human history.” This collaborative evidence is an essential bridge between the facts of the past and the personal and dynamic experiences of individuals. Oral accounts from Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia describe a deep familiarity with elements of the Rival Wizards story. This awareness includes knowledge of past tsunami impacts on Rangitoto Island and its surroundings. The researchers state that "the dialogue may not have included familiarity with the specific story itself, but ancestral relationships are confirmed between informants from both active Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia Māori groups with the tale's original informant, Karepa Te Whetu , and the main protagonists". .” Many other aspects of the legend have been shown to be deeply rooted in the enduring knowledge of Māori stories across the northern part of the South Island. It is clear that ancestral and kinship ties to people and places (e.g. whakapapa) are central to the construction and continuous retelling of Maori stories. Stewart Roberts provides a further explanation for this oral tradition and its meaning, and states that “Whakapapa is used in the narrative as a construct to map the worldnature and its phenomena, thus acting as a mental map of places. Furthermore, Māori knowledge is archived layer by layer, referring to the sites, ancestors and actions of the protagonists as memory cues to retain vital information.” The specific layering of contextual details in Rival Wizards' story affirms these connections and relationships between the natural and metaphysical worlds, including narrative structures crucial to cultural resistance and memory. In addition to these connections, evidence shows that these oral histories of Ngāti Koata and Ngāti Kuia provide strong collective evidence of pre-written tsunami flooding on Rangitoto Island and the nearby coast. King, Shaw, Meihana and Goff argue that, above all, this research demonstrates the power and dynamics of the Rival Wizards story, alongside the Māori oral tradition as a whole, integrating elements of culture, identity, lineage, history and environmental risk. The work carried out together with key informants from Maori kinship groups confirms the ancestral experience of Maori with past tsunamis, in and around Rangitoto (D'Urville Island). While the research has essentially drawn no definitive conclusions about a specific location where the “catastrophic waves” of the past occurred, it is evident that Māori oral histories are highly contextual and intentional, encompassing multiple levels of meaning and experience. This case study goes to show that the combination of scientific evidence and oral interpretations contributes to a diverse set of anecdotal perspectives. My interpretation of history is limited because I grew up in America, learning history from a narrow perspective distorted by an overemphasis on white experiences. Throughout my education, I was taught history as a fixed narrative, valuing above all else the strength of democracy and elements of the American Constitution. This method assumes that a uniform collective story exists when each narrative is not a collection of supposedly official facts, but rather many different collections of evidence with conflicting analyses. The oral component of research is equally detrimental to enriching fields and shedding light on broader questions and themes that may appear removed from larger historical narratives. As Ngāpuhi leader Sir James Henare expressed it, “Ko te reo te mauri o te mana Māori (language is the fundamental life force of the Māori people)”, and indeed, oral tradition brings to life the voices and experiences of individuals , many of whom would otherwise have been forgotten by history. In essence, oral traditions are indispensable as a means of maintaining diverse and multifaceted perspectives of historical narratives. This global perception, which gives voice to the stories of others, is something I would have liked to encounter more in the American school system. However, even oral traditions have limitations. These are reports recorded as a broad outline of a memory of experiences, with the ability to leave out small details and provide a broad outline. Furthermore, only the deepest memories are likely to emerge and be recorded, providing less reliability due to the risk of exaggerating details. As Mikaere says, this raises the question of how knowledge is constructed and legitimized, and whether a meaningful transfer of knowledge between different histories can occur when it is removed from cultural context. Robert Mikaere has argued that the findings of early Māori research, or rather, the inaccurate recordings and fictional representations of the narratives rendered oral histories as "fantasy" and resulted in an "epistemological disorder". However, this may reflect the limited capacity of non-Māori.